Sep. 06, 2006 - Issue #568: Sex in the City
Dyer Straight
9/11 has allowed Bush to rule with an iron hand
Five years since 9/11, and we are still being told that the world has changed forever. But the terrorist attack on the United States on Sep 11, 2001 was a low-probability event that could just as easily not have happened. The often careless and sometimes incompetent hijackers might have been caught before boarding those planes, and there were not ten other plots of similar magnitude stacked up behind them. Would the world really be all that different now if there had been no 9/11?There would have been no invasion of Afghanistan, and probably no second term for President George W Bush, whose main political asset for the past five years has been his claim to be leading the United States in a Global War on Terror. Deprived of the opportunity to posture as a heroic war leader in the mould of Winston Churchill or Franklin D Roosevelt, Bush would have had great difficulty in persuading the American public that his first-term achievements merited a second kick at the can.
Would Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and company have succeeded in invading Iraq anyway? That was high on their agenda from the moment they took office, but without the 9/11 attacks eight months later they would have had great difficulty in persuading the American public that invading Iraq, a country on the other side of the world that posed no threat to the United States, was a good idea. Whereas after 9/11, it was easy to sell the project to geographically challenged Americans: maybe no Iraqis were involved in 9/11, but they're all Arabs, aren't they?
Without 9/11 there would still be a “terrorist threat,” of
course, because there is always some terrorism. It's rarely a big enough
threat to justify expanding police powers, let alone launching a
“global war” against it, but the fluke success of the 9/11
attacks (which has not been duplicated once in the subsequent five years)
created the illusion that terrorism was a major problem. Various special
interests climbed aboard the band-wagon, and off we all went.
That is a pity, because without 9/11 there would have been no governments
justifying torture in the name of fighting terrorism, no “special
renditions,” no camps like Guantanamo. Tens of thousands of people
killed in the various invasions of the past five years would still be alive,
and Western countries with large Muslim minorities would not now face a
potential terrorist backlash at home from their own disaffected young
Muslims. The United States would not be seen by most of the world as a rogue
state. But that's as far as the damage goes.
Economically, 9/11 and its aftermath have had almost no discernible
long-term impact: even the soaring price of oil is mostly due to rising
demand in Asia, not to military events in the Middle East. The lack of
decisive action on climate change is largely due to Bush policies that were
already in place before 9/11. And strategically, the relations between the
great powers have not yet been gravely damaged by the US response to 9/11.
There may even be a hidden benefit in the concept of a “war on
terror.”
It is a profoundly dishonest concept, since it is actually directed mainly
against Muslim groups that have grievances against the various great powers:
Chechens against Russia, Muslim Uyghurs against China, Kashmiri Muslims and
their Pakistani cousins against India, practically everybody in the Arab
world and Iran against the US and Britain. The terrorists' methods are
reprehensible, but their grievances are often real. However, the
determination of the great powers to oppose not only their methods but their
goals is also real. That gives them a common enemy and a shared
strategy.
The main risk at this point in history is that the great powers will drift
back into some kind of alliance confrontation. Key resources are getting
scarcer, the climate is changing and the rise of China and India means that
the pecking order of the great powers is due to change again in the
relatively near future. Any strategic analyst worth his salt, given those
preconditions, could draw you up a dozen different scenarios of disaster by
lunchtime.
Avoiding that disaster at the expense of the world's much abused Muslims is
not an acceptable option, but it appears to be the preferred solution of the
moment. And that, five years on, is the principal legacy of 9/11.
V
Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries. His column appears regularly in Vue Weekly.
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